Do Anti-Corruption Initiatives Pose a Success or Challenge to Nigeria’s Modern Democracy? [Part II]
By Femi Senu | @Femi_Senu | Monday 30 May 2016 | 00:00 GMT
The misuse of public office for private gain is common with numerous public officials often trading influence for money. It is a common characteristic of corruption exhibited across the African continent. The failure to bring alleged corrupted individuals to justice, the embarrassing fuel subsidy deception and depleting treasury funds are only a few of the many problems that have held back real progress for Nigeria.
The desire to stop the progress of corruption began in 2003 with Mr Nuhu Ribadu, who was then Chairman of the EFCC. During his tenure (2003-7), many individuals were arrested and prosecuted. Those investigated and convicted included the most senior police officers, governors and fraudsters.
In 2005, former governor of Nigeria’s oil-rich Bayelsa state, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, was arrested in the United Kingdom (UK). Police in London alleged that a 53 year old man was picked up by their special Economic Crimes Unit at Heathrow Airport, but was later jumped bail for a period of two months (BBC, 2005).
Alamieyeseigha was supposedly detained in connection with an investigation into allegations of money laundering according to the EFCC. Yet, he had jumped bail by allegedly disguising himself as a woman (BBC, 2005). Although Alamieyeseigha was later impeached and prosecuted, Goodluck Jonathan’s presidential pardon caused significant uproar and ultimately belittled the work of the EFCC in bringing Alamieyeseigha back to Nigeria to face charges.
In 2006, Nuhu Ribadu told the Nigerian senate that 31 of the 36 governors were being investigated and that 15 of them would be charged in the coming weeks; he explained that the world’s biggest thief was Nigerian, but was prevented from naming him (BBC, 2005).
According to the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) (2006), Nigeria’s governors enjoyed immunity from prosecution while in office, with the country regularly ranked as one of the world’s most corrupt countries. But there is little just one man can do in the midst of many, or in light of weak institutions, and it is of no surprise that Ribadu was discharged from office in 2007 for failing to declare his assets during his time in office (BBC, 2010). The fairness of this dismissal continues to be disputed by many.
Undoubtedly, only courageous and honest-hearted individuals can take bold steps in combatting corruption. In the early stages of Nigeria’s democracy, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obansanjo, enjoyed considerable support for his anti-corruption agenda. Yet, critics still say that his fight against corruption was only used as a political tool (BBC, 2006).
It has been suggested that Ribadu may be back, as a scoop from the Presidential Villa revealed that President Muhammadu Buhari is disposed to reappointing the tough talking anti-graft czar, who during his tenure fought corruption ‘with every zeal’, according to the Street Journal (2016).
Recently, plans were initiated by the Nigerian Federal government to extradite former government and public officials who ran away from Nigeria. Alleged corrupt individuals who fled the country in an attempt to prevent criminal investigation and prosecution include: the former Petroleum Minister, Mrs Diezani Alison-Madueke; former Minister of State for Defence, Mr Musiliu Obanikoro; former National Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party, Adamu Mu’azu; former Chairman of the Pension Reform Task Force, Abdulrasheed Maina; former Comptroller-General of Customs, Abdullahi Dikko; former Senior Political Adviser to former-President and Coordinator of Goodluck Support Group, Profesor Rufai Alkali; and former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Adoke.
When one observes the manner in which accused individuals rise in their own defence to negate the allegations brought against them, or individuals fleeing their host country in fear of investigation or the manner in which corruption is disclosed, explained and shielded in order to counter corruption accusations, then it is not difficult to understand how systemic corruption is within modern society.
This systematisation has caused several conundrums for the average citizen, as most times, people are confounded about who they can trust, what they can trust and to what extent they can trust them. Some may argue that if all those engaged in corruption are concurrently the individuals ostensibly leading the fight against it, then anti-corruption initiatives certainly become futile in a modern democracy.
To illustrate, James Onanefe Ibori, former governor of Delta state, who was charged and convicted for corruption, claimed in his tribute to Alamieyeseigha, that the former governor of Bayelsa state had built just one house and was never corrupt (The Cable, 2016).
When Alamieyeseigha died, he was honoured as a hero who brought stability and development to Bayelsa state. Palpably, this falls contrary to how many saw him outside the state, particularly when Alamieyeseigha pleaded guilty to six charges of corruption before a Nigerian court. This only serves to show how corruption can come to divide opinion and people.
The endemic nature of corruption poses uncertainty concerning the validity of anti-corruption initiatives and legislation. When ‘honest-hearted’ individuals who are truly concerned about the level of corruption become involved in this unsavoury battle, they are either corrupted themselves or hit a brick wall of powerful advisers!
Indeed, honest-hearted individuals are required in modern society to counter dishonest individuals and corrupt ideology in contemporary society. As individuals accused of corruption endeavour to clear their names, so also is there pressure for anti-corruption initiatives to succeed. Factors studied within the context of this analysis need to be extracted, understood, and effectively dealt with, in order not to confuse citizens and observers. These views are necessary for successful and effective future anti-corruption mechanisms.
Conclusion
Measuring the success and effects of future anti-corruption initiatives and legislation will result in considering how far African society has moved away from its denigrating historical context and whether uncertainty amongst the people has been mitigated.
Notably, future anti-corruption initiatives and legislation for Africa require an anti-corruption drive that will deter corruption, utilise the will of ‘honest individuals’ (i.e. individual motivations to act against corruption), employ ‘political will and action’ (i.e. politicians altruistically fighting to end corruption), and most importantly require independent institutions to become free from dishonest lobbying and corrupt political behaviours.
Anti-corruption drives require effective leaders and teams of committed individuals. It is time for Nigeria’s government to introduce honest and independent bodies in the fight against corruption; this includes independent prosecutors free from corrupt influences. It includes transparency, with good ethical principles.
Individuals in the fight against corruption should not be above the law. And in order to prevent the mixed messages the public receive once an individual is accused of corruption will require independent institutions, transparency, educational programmes and an honest political will to form an anti-corruption conglomerate.
With such a mechanism in place, the public will be adequately informed, and discard misconceptions about corruption investigations from when someone is charged and convicted to if or when they are acquitted of the charges brought against them.
We must allow the evidence of corruption to speak for itself. The public needs to be convinced concerning the legitimacy of its officials, without any influential figure manipulating events behind the scenes. Indeed, the lessons of corruption in Nigeria are historical – we can learn a lot from them!
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Have you enjoyed what you’ve read so far? Fantastic! You can look forward to reading my next article in the AfroLeaks series next Monday titled: ‘Understanding Africa’s Scale of Corruption – A Review of the Anti-Corruption Summit London 2016’
I value the opinions of my readers dearly so please feel free to provide me with any constructive feedback you have concerning this article or any others I have written. Your comments and thoughts are always appreciated. Thank you!
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References
British Broadcasting Corporation. (2005). ‘Nigerian Governor Arrested in the UK’, BBC News, 16 September, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4253362.stm (accessed 29/04/2016)
British Broadcasting Corporation. (2006). ‘Nigerian Governors in Graft Probe’, BBC News, 28 September, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/5387814.stm (accessed 29/04/2016)
British Broadcasting Corporation. (2010). ‘Nigeria drops corruption fighter Nuhu Ribadu charges’, BBC News, 5 May, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/8663236.stm (accessed 29/04/2016)
The Cable. (2016). ‘Alamieyeseigha built just one house… he was never a corrupt man, says Ibori’, The Cable, 11 October, https://www.thecable.ng/alamieyeseigha-just-one-house-never-corrupt-says-ibori (accessed 30/04/2016)
The Street Journal. (2016). ‘Ribadu, Making a Return to EFCC as Chairman’, The Street Journal, 18 March, http://thestreetjournal.org/2016/03/ribadu-making-a-return-to-efcc-as-chairman/ (accessed 30/04/2016)
The Nigerian Association of Criminology, Terrorism and Political Violence Studies 